Wednesday, May 24, 2006

It is very hard to get the ground reality from this far away and it is very easy to get distracted by the partial picture that we see from here. One good thing about being this far, though is that we don't get distracted by the tiny details of ground reality, and helps focus on the big picture.

Geographical terrain, ethnic heterogeneity, lingual variety, cultural prejudices make study of Nepal a very complex task. I have travelled from Kakarbhitta in East to Mahendranagar in West over the course of my life. I have covered very little of Northern stretch of Nepal. Krishna dai told once that there were parts in Darchula where people did not even know the existence of Nepali government and regarded themselves under the Indian government. Chandani and Dodhara, only Nepali vilages on the other side of Mahakali river, have constantly been facing Indian encroachment. There are other places where the Nepali national identity that we always talk about, doesn't exist.

I don't mind people being oblivious of the existence of national government. That's ok. When some plans are being hatched that makes use of the resources those people have traditionally been using, then they have to be involved. They have to be involved and their opinions have to be counted when we want to find out the statistics about what kind of polity Nepalese people want.

I recently heard a news on TV about proposal to have two version of American anthem, one in English and another in Spanish. It is still hot and is making huge on mainstream media. I thought what it would be like in Nepal. Every other culture has its own set of festivals, traditions, and language. How many versions of national anthem will we need?

In computer science, we have this concept called object-oriented programming paradigm. In this paradigm, a big problem is described in terms of smaller and manageable objects and interactions among those objects. If we use this concept, then we can regard a single person as an object. We can describe its interactions with other person within a boundary in one way. That boundary can be family, circle of friends, boundary defined by geography or culture, or others. Family, village, city, district, and other bigger political entities can then be described in terms of the interactions among the persons. There will be many such political entities. By means of code of conduct, law, or constitution, we can then define the means of interaction among those entities. This is called the protocol of communication.

Lets take two districts as the two political entities. Within that district there can be many different people, family, villages, or cities. Even then district is very distinct from these entities in terms of how it influences the big picture. Now, flow of merchandise in between those districts, flow of people, boundary demarcation, conflict resolution in case of conflicts, are then the means of interactions between those districts. Depending upon the political structure we want, we may allow free-flow of people but some tax on the flow of merchandise, we may set a rule that whenever there is conflict about the geographical boundary, national government has to settle the issue. This also applicable to two municipalities, or one municipality and one village, etc.

In case of a district, there can be many municipalities, many villages, and many people. People may actually have to follow the rule of the national government as well as that of the local district and also of municipality or village. What they can do can become very restricted. But in reality people follow the law promulgated by the national government and that of the autonomous state, in case the nation is federal. Then municipalitiy and village also have to interact with the district. These methods of interactions may be different to different districts. Methods of interactions among the villages and municipalities also varies.

Once protocols like this are set for every possible interactions and also a mechanism for addition of new interactions if such case arose without de-establishing the already existing political structure, then the nation has a rule of law. I want this to happen in Nepal. Everybody want that.

We identified the goal. How to achieve it? Where does the complexity lie?

Twenty-six million is a huge number. The policy has to be such that huge majority among that many people move toward more 'prosperous' and 'happy' state. I put 'prosperous' and 'happy' in quotes because their definition tend to be very subjective. I will not venture to define. Let the readers define it themselves.

Very unjust and inequitable society are the main problem in achieving our goal of a nation with rule of law. Culturally dominating class always had an upper-hand, even if they were economically inferior than the culturally dominated class. Nepal has always been a Hindu kingdom. Notice the word 'kingdom' here. The word 'kingdom' is defined as 'the land ruled by a king or a queen' in The American Heritage dictionary (this is the only dictionary I have with me right now). So, concept of kingdom itself epitomises the concept of centralized ownership and control. Everything flowed outward from the king. Everything belonged to the king.

Muluki Ain was promulgated in 1854 during the time of Jung Bahadur Rana. The ain had so many clauses that cut across various economical and cultural issues, many people felt threatened by it. Edifice of domination based on sex and caste would have been dismantled. That was even against the interest of ruling class at that time. It is always against the interests of the privileged set of people to try to change the status quo. From that perspective, Muluki Ain is still too radical for today's privileged few. There has been many amendments in the Ain. Latest one states that a daughter is also equal partner in the inheritence. The Ain is a vivid example that promulgation of a law and implementation of that law are two different things. Even one and half century later, we are fighting for the things that were in the Ain: equality.

Wednesday, May 10, 2006

Demagogues and Democrats
-------------------------

In the first paper in 'The Federalist Papers', Alexander Hamilton wrote:

"... a dangerous ambition more often lurks behind the specious mask of zeal for the rights of the people than under the forbidding appearance of zeal for the firmness and efficiency of government. History will teach us that the former has been found a much more certain road to the introduction of despotism than the latter, and that of those men who have overturned the liberties of republics, the greatest number have begun their career by paying an obsequious court to the people, commencing demagogues and ending tyrants."

How many of the readers agree to this I don't know. But this made me think. Made me rethink about all the speeches and interviews Maoists' leaders are giving in recent days. In all of those speeches, only point they try to make is that they are fighting for the people. Whenever asked about their existing local governing bodies all over Nepal and whether they would be willing to dismantle them once they join the government, they never gave a clear cut answer.

We cannot handle two governments. Maoists' local governing bodies are still functioning even during the ceasefire. They are still abducting people without any explanations. This has to stop. Most of us agree, we need to restructure the political, economic, and adminstrative structure. That doesnot mean Maoists' can imose their will upon us over the strength of their gun. National restructuring is a big issue. It warrants an active national debate. Whatever they think is good, they have to provide justification for that. We should be allowed to rebuke them if we feel like they are wrong. Social issues are very complex for a small group of people to decide. Actually, that was the one of the main reasons hardcore communism failed everywhere in the world. They failed to account for the inherent inequality among humans. If they try to impose their will upon us, they are bound to fail this time again.

I have been thinking a lot about what can happen. Most of the time I am very positive and optimistic about the future. I believe 'Naya Nepal Sambhav Chha.' I believe that Maoists' leadership is sincere in the things they are saying. I don't see any reason to doubt them. But sometimes I get really scared. Violence is a culture. Once you are into it, it becomes a part of you. Both the armies we have are violent. Both of them have history of various Human Rights as well as Geneva Convention violations. Couple of weeks ago, RNA personnel abducted Sapna Gurung from her house, raped her and killed her by shooting at a point-blank range. Next day they killed five more people who went to protest Sapana's murder. On the other side, during the ceasefire, PA is involved in various abduction cases without any explanations.

Discussions about arms management are going on for some time among us. Mostly the thrust of the discussions is how to bring RNA under civil leadership. Occasionally, people bring out issues about Maoists' People's Army, its leadership, and its loyalty. RNA is trained to be loyal to royal family. PA is trained to be loyal to the party. My question is, how can we trust one over another? Not only before the Constituent Assembly Election, even after the election of Contituent Assembly. And even after the integration of both the armies, if that happened, how can we be sure that there won't be armed uprising to topple to democratically elected government.

If Maoists' leadership doesn't change its chant of 'People's War' to the chant of good governance and democracy, we have to be wary of them. We have to be wary of their intentions. It is very easy to get misled when we are in trouble and somebody talks really nice with us. Maoists' are doing exactly the same thing.

Saying all this, I appreciate the CPN-M for bringing out the issues that were hidden for centuries and making it the topic of public discussion. I appreciate them for giving these issues a loud voice so that even those unwilling to hear are made to hear. But I unequivocally oppose their totalitarian and intolerant agenda they have been pursuing so far.

Sunday, April 23, 2006

जनआन्दोलनप्रतिको ऐक्यवद्दता
-----------------------------

हामी अमेरिका स्थित लुइजियाना राज्यमा बसोबास गर्ने सम्पूर्ण नेपाली तथा नेपालका शुभचिन्तक हाल जारी गणतान्त्रिक आन्दोलन प्रति ऐक्यवद्दता व्यक्त गर्दछौँ।

अहिले नेपालमा भइरहेको शान्तिपूर्ण जनआन्दोलनमा सहभागी नेपाली नागरीकहरु माथि प्रहरी तथा सेनाद्वारा गरिएको बर्बरतापूर्ण लाठीचार्ज, अश्रुग्यास तथा गोली प्रहारको हामी घोर निन्दा गर्दछौँ। यस्तो अमानवीय एवं कायरतापूर्ण बल प्रयोगलाई कुनै पनि दृष्टिकोणबाट न्यायोचित मान्न सकिंदैन। आर्थिक एवं औद्दोगिक विकासका लागि लाग्नुपर्ने एक्काईसौँ शताब्दीमा राज्यले जनमानसमाथि गरेको दमन, संचारमाथि लगाइएको गैरकानूनी अंकुश, पत्रकारितामाथिको अनावश्यक नियन्त्रण सरकारी तानाशाही प्रवृतिका ज्वलन्त उदाहरणहरु हुन्। आम नेपाली जनमानसको संलग्नता र अन्तत: निर्माणहुने उदार राजनीतिक वातावरणका लागि लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र अपरिहार्य छ भन्ने हामीले मनन गरेका छौँ। यसै उद्देश्य प्राप्तिका लागि लागिपरेका सम्पूर्ण नेपाली एवं नेपालप्रेमी आन्दोलनकारीप्रति हामी खुला हृदयदेखि समर्थन अभिव्यक्त गर्न चाहन्छौँ। गणतान्त्रिक जनआन्दोलनले आफ्नो उद्देश्य प्राप्त गरी मूर्त रूप लियोस् भन्ने हाम्रो कामना छ। यस अभूतपूर्व आन्दोलनलाई सार्थक बनाउनका लागि विश्वभरका सम्पूर्ण नेपाली एवं नेपाली हितैषीमा आफ्नो तर्फबाट सक्दो सहयोग पु-याउन हामी आह्वान गर्दछौं।

नेपालको वर्तमान सन्दर्भमा राजाको कुनै औचित्य छैन। त्यसकारण अब राजाबाट कुनै घोषणा होला र अनि कुरा अगाडि बढाउँला भनेर बस्ने बेला छैन। अबको निकास भनेको राजालाई बाईपास गरेर सात पार्टी तथा माओवादीको गठबन्धनले अन्तरिम सरकारको घोषणा गर्नु हो। त्यस सरकारले अन्तराष्ट्रिय जगतमा आफूलाई आधिकारिक मान्यता दिनका लागि आह्वान गर्नुपर्छ, र अन्तराष्ट्रिय जगतले उक्त सरकारलाई मान्यता दिनु पर्छ। यदि मान्यता नदिएको खण्डमा अन्तराष्ट्रिय जगत नेपालको सन्दर्भमा अप्रासंगिक हुनेछ। त्यो सरकार जनसमर्थनबाट आएको हुनाले त्यसलाई कार्यकारी अधिकार हुनेछ। त्यही कार्यकारी अधिकार प्रयोग गरेर नयाँ संविधानको घोषणा गर्नु पर्छ।

लुइजियाना राज्य निवासी सम्पूर्ण नेपाली एवं नेपालका शुभचिन्तक
संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका

Saturday, April 22, 2006

I don't know why the leaders of SPA do not speak clearly about what they are thinking about the course this movement should take. I am not in Nepal right now. Looking from outside, it feels like instead of leaders being in charge of the direction the movement is taking, it is the crowd that is deciding the agenda. Crowds are loud and clear about their intentions to establish a republic nation. What are the agenda of SPA? Is it really the republic as demanded in chants? Is it the consituent assembly? What is it?
Also, there are rumours, I will call them rumours as they have not been verified officially by the leaders, about forming a parallel government. There has to be a clearly worded statement from the leaders about this to the public.
People obviously don't trust the leaders, as shown by sit-in in front of the Girija Prasad Koirala's house during the consultation among SPA leaders about how to form an official reaction to the royal proclamation. And if the leaders also do not trust the public, there will be a crisis of trust, which is detrimental to the movement as well as to the future of Nepal itself.

Sunday, April 16, 2006

Time has come that SPA (Seven Party Alliance) declare an alternative government, start taking care of people's daily live, start collecting taxes, and leading Nepal toward becoming a republic country. Monarchy had long lost its relevance. Negotiation with king Gyanendra no longer serves the purpose. He is of no relevance. He survives as long as army lends their fealty to him and as soon as they relieve him of their loyalty, he is irrelevant, and that day is not so far away now. I just read a news in Parewa.com about kins of army and police personnel leading a demonstration requesting them to not to use force against the people. I also read that various business organizations in Rupandehi district had decided to stop paying taxes to the current government. In a video Mero Sansar had, Haribamsa Acharya was saying that they would be collecting about fifty lakh rupees soon in the Jana Andolan Medical Fund.

With an alternative government in place, medical services, and taxes, among other things could be systematically managed. They should also start promulgating their proposals in various of the social issues, such as land distribution, decentralization of power, structure of the government, etc. Also, there has to be an alternative constitution to enact as soon as the current government relents, monarchy falls, and whatever remains of the current constitution is swept away. I am not sure whether party leaders have already started working on that. In any case, I think that is a must. There cannot be any moment when no constitution is active. There would not be any active constitution right after the fall of monarchy and anarchy might ensue. We cannot let that happen.

Street rhetoric of current political leaders is also not sufficient. Regurgitation of the same old demands of 'restoration of the parliament, dialogue with the Maoists, and election of the constituent assembly' will not serve anymore. There is no doubt that once there is a plebescite to decide whether we want monarchy or not, the agenda for the abolition of the monarchy will prevail. So, there is no need to go for the plebescite. It is simply a waste of money and time. Culmination of current andolan should itself result in a Nepal without monarchy and a fresh start for us.

Bright future is possible. Before that there might still be some more hurdles that we have to go through. Anarchy, that is sure to ensue right after the andolan, has to be very short-lived. Some people might want it to prevail. To prevent that from happening, current police force and army should not be completely dismantled. It takes a long time to build security forces. We can see that from Iraq situation right now. Arms and the militia Maoists have to be properly managed. Disenfranchised people with arms can become a very dangerous destabilising force. Theoretically, it will be great to merge the Maoist militia and Nepalese Army and form and new cohesive army. But there are many practical problems with that. One of them is the culture under which they were trained. How is it possible to merge two armies where one was trained under the oath to serve the monarch and another one was trained under the oath to establish a people's republic? If somehow this feat can be achieved, then over the years we can phase out the size of the army and finally reduce it to a managable number. This requires an open discussion among army personnel, the Maoist commanders, politicians, and other armed conflict strategists.

Saturday, April 15, 2006

अगिल्लो पोस्ट अलि बढी नै निराशावादी हो कि जस्तो मलाई प-यो। खासमा भन्ने हो भने म प्राय:जसो मानिसहरु भन्दा बढी नै आशावदी छु, विशेषगरी नेपालको सन्दर्भमा। तर पनि कहिलेकाहिँ त्यो पुरानो सपनाजस्तो सोह्र वर्ष र त्यसवेलामा भएका घोटालाहरु, चालिएका दाउपेचहरु, गरिएका राजनितिक किनबेचहरु र अरु विभिन्र नहुनु पर्ने कुराहरु, अरुसबै तर्कहरुलाई तल छोडेर शीर्षस्थानमा बस्नपुग्दोरहेछ। अनि, भविष्य पनि त्यस्तै पो हुने हो कि भन्ने डर लाग्दोरहेछ।

गणतन्त्रिक नेपालमा होस् या अरु कुनै देशमा होस्, सरकार चलाउने काम राजनितिक व्यक्तित्वहरुको नै हो। हामी जस्ता प्राविधिक मानिसहरुको काम त आ-आफ्नो काम राम्रोसँग गर्ने, यदि आफ्नो काम गर्न अफ्ठेरो प-यो, अथवा कुनै खास किसिमको नियम कानुन चाहियो काम गर्नकालागि भने, सरकार वा त्यसका पूर्वनिर्धारित कमिटी अथवा मन्त्रालयहरुलाइ निवेदन गर्ने हो। अनि, अहिलेजस्तै यदि कुनै राष्ट्रनायक भइटोपलेकाहरुले आफ्नो पूर्वनिर्धारित कानुनी दायरा भन्दा बाहिर गएर केहि नराम्रो गर्न खोजे बने, त्यसलाई सचेत गराउने पनि हो। सचेत गराउने पनि विभीन्न तरिकाहरु हुन्छन्। तर, दैनिक राजनैतीक कृयाकलापहरुबाट हामी धेरै टाढा हुन्छौँ र हुनु पनि पर्छ।

त्यसैले देशकालागि राजनैतिक व्यक्तिहरुको सँधै आवश्यकता भई नै रहने छ। तिनीहरु जति नै भ्रष्टाचारी भएपनि हामी उनीहरु विना देश चलाउन सक्दैनौँ। तर हामी एउटा यस्तो व्यवस्था निर्माण गर्न सक्छौँ जहाँ बढी बन्दा बढी मानिसहरु इमान्दार र कर्तव्यपरायण हुन्। प्रजातन्त्रमा त्यो कुरा सम्भव छ।
आन्दोलन सकिइसकेको छ। राजपरिवार विदेश पलायन भइसकेका छन्। सिँहदरबार अगाडि मानिसहरुको भिडको बिचबाट 'ऐया ऐया' को आवाज आइरहेको छ। म अन्तर्ध्यान भएर यो सबै हेर्दै छु। 'के रहेछ त?' म आफैलाई खुल्दुली लाग्यो। भिडलाई पन्छाउँदै अगाडि बढेर हेरेको त बिचमा कमल थापालाई मानिसहरुले कालो मोसो दलेर 'तैँ हैन गोली हान्ने आदेश दिने', 'तैँ हैन पुलिसलाइ भिडको बिचबाट ढुँगा हान्न लगाएर माओवादीको घुसपैठ भयो भन्ने', भन्दै गोद्दै थिए। एकैछिनमा पुलिसको एक जत्था त्यहाँ आइपुग्यो। 'ल तपाईँहरु यहाँबाट हट्नुस। यो मान्छेलाइ हामीले लिएरजानु भन्ने आदेश आएको छ।', भन्दै उनीहरु आ-आफ्नो पोजिशन लिन थाले। भिडमध्यबाट केही व्यक्तिहरु बाहिर निस्केर त्यसको प्रतिकार गर्न थाले। 'यो हत्यारालाई हामी छोड्दैनौँ।' 'ल, तपाईँहरुले त्यसो भनेर कहाँ हुन्छ।' पुलिसहरुले पनि मनाउने प्रयास गरे। 'नछोडे के गर्ने, हामीलाई गोली हान्ने?' भिड उत्तेजित हुन थाल्यो। कमल थापालाई बिचमा राखेर, बाहिरपट्टि मानिसहरुले एउटा घेरा बनाए। पुलिसहरु असमन्जसमा परे। के गर्ने, के नगर्ने? 'हैन, तपाईँहरुले त्यसो गर्न भएन।' तैपनि लागि हाल्छ कि भनेर पुलिसहरुले फेरी एक पटक मनाउने प्रयास गरे। भिड झन् उत्तेजित भयो। घेराको भित्र पट्टिरहेका मानिसहरुले कमल थापालाई बेस्मारी कुट्न थाले। पुलिसलाई पनि आफ्नो आदेशको पालना गर्नु थियो। मानिसहरुलाइ हत्याको तत्काल बदला लिनु थियो। एकै छिनमा अवस्था हातबाट बाहिर गयो। पुलिसले गोली चलायो। केही मानिस हताहत भए। बाँकि तितरबितर भए। पुलिसले कमल थापालाई लिएर गयो। एक महिना पछि अदालतले आफ्नो निर्णय सुनायो। 'श्री कमल थापाका विरुद्ध कुनै ठोस सबुत फेला नपरेकाले उहाँलाई रिहागर्नकालागि यो अदालत सरकारलाई आदेश दिन्छ।'

Wednesday, April 12, 2006

मैले यो पर्चा आज मात्रै ईमेलमा पाएको हुँ। यसलाई हुबहु यहाँ उतारेको छु। यदि कुनै गल्ति भएको पाउनु भएको खण्डमा, कृपया यहि ब्लग मार्फत् मलाई सुचित गरिदिनुभएमा आभारि हुने थिएँ।
दिपेश
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राजा ग्यानेन्द्रलाई केहि प्रश्न

झ्याल ढोका सबै बन्द गरेर बिरालालाई कोठामा चुट्दा आत्मरक्षाका लागि बिरालो आफूलाई चुट्नेमाथि झम्टिन पुग्छ। यो प्राकृतिक न्याय हो। अहिले स्वतन्त्र भएर घुमफिर गर्ने र आफ्ना न्यायपूर्ण आकांक्षा प्रकट गर्ने सबै नागरिक हकहरूमाथि बन्देज लगाएर बन्देजविरुद्ध मुख खोल्न साहस गर्ने नागरिकहरुमाथि हिटलरलाई पनि बिर्साउने ज्यादती थोपरिँदा राजाको शासनमा नागरिकहरुको अवस्था बन्द कोठामा चुटिने बिरालाको जस्तै भएको छ। त्यसैले प्रताडनामा परेका नागरिकहरु आफ्नो शारीरिक र नैतिक अस्मिताको रक्षा गर्न मुलुकैभरि आक्रोषको सामूहिक भषामा बोल्न थालेका छन्। हामीलाई के लाग्छ भने अब राजासँग ठडो संवाद गर्ने बेला आएको छ। सर्वसाधारण नागरिकहरु भवनात्मक कुरा त्यति धेरै बझ्दैनन्। तर ज्यान र धनका कुरा तिनले राम्रैसँग बुझ्छन्। त्यसैले मुलुकभरिका निरङ्कुशतन्त्रविरोधी नागरिकहरुका तर्फबाट हामी राजा ग्यानेन्द्रलाई केही प्रश्न सोध्दैछौँ।

१ पर्दा पछाडि बसेर तुलनात्मकरुपले भलाद्मी र उदार मानिने राजा वीरेन्द्रको परिवारको हत्या गर्ने षडयन्त्रको तानाबाना बुनेको कसले हो?

२ राष्ट्रियकरण गरिनुपर्ने राजा वीरेन्द्रको परिवारको सबै सदस्यका नाममा भएको खरबौँ रुपियाँको सम्पत्ति आफै हडपेको कसले हो? त्यो सम्पत्तिको एक्किन हिसाब कति हो?

३ दाजु वीरेन्द्रका पालामा दरबारको वर्षिक भत्ता १२ करोड रुपैयाँ थियो। शासनको बागडोर आफ्ना हातमा लिएपछि आफुखुशी बढाउँदै लगेर भत्ताको रकम अहिले कति वा अरब पु-याइएको छ? जनताका रगत र पसिनाबाट राज्यको कोषमा जम्मा भएको रकम कसको अनुमतिले यसरी बर्मलूट गरिएको हो?

४ आफ्नै हुकुमअनुसार गराइएका अभिनन्दन, देवीदेवताहरुको पाखनण्डपूर्ण दर्शन आदिमा नाश गरिएको रकम कति हो?

५ युवराज पारस गोठालो भएर अष्ट्रियाको चिडियाखानामा गैँडा पु‍-याउन जाँदा कति रकम बर्बाद गरिएको हो?

६ मुलुकमा बहुसङ्ख्यक जनता गरिबी र द्वन्द्वको मारमा परेर भोकै र नाङ्गै तड्पिरहेको बेला दरबारका लागि कतिवटा बुलेटप्रुफ गाडी खरिद गरिएका छन्? त्यो कुन श्रोतबाट कुन नियमका आधारमा झिकिएको रकम हो? अनि त्यो विलासी खर्चको कुल रकम कति हो?

७ राजनैतिक, आर्थिक र कुटनैतिक कुनै दृष्टिले पनि एकरत्ती अर्थ नराख्ने अफ्रिका भ्रमणमा राज्यकोषको कति रकम खरानी पारियो?

८ जारी द्वन्द्वको न्यायपूर्ण समाधानलाई बेवास्ता गर्दै युद्ध र सैन्यवादलाई बढाएर हातहतियार र गोलाबारुद खरिद गर्दा राजालाई कति कमिसन लाभ भएको छ?

९ राज्यलाई कङ्गाल पारेर कुनकुन बैङ्कमा कति रकम थुपारिएको छ?

१० अगाडिका कुरा नगरौँ, लोकतन्त्रका पक्षमा अहिले चलिरहेको शान्तिपूर्ण आन्दोलनमा मात्र पाँचजना नागरिको जघन्य हत्या भइसकेको छ। मन्दिर, शिक्षालय, अस्पताल, पसल र घरघरमा निर्मम कुटपिटमा परी हजारौँ नागरिकहरु अपमानित र प्रताडित भएका छन्। अङ्गभङ्ग हुनेहरुको सङ्ख्याले पनि हजार नाघिसक्यो होला। छर्लङ्गै देखिएको कुरा के हो भने यो ज्यदतिका दुई नम्बरका अपराधी गृहमन्त्री कमल थापा हुन्। कमल थापालाई हदैसम्म ज्यदती गर्न आदेश दिने एक नम्बरको अपराधी को हो?

११ राजालाई स्वतन्त्रताप्रेमी नागरिकहरुलाई मार्ने र राज्यकोषको रकम बर्मलूट गर्ने अधिकार कुन विधि, नीति र नियमबाट प्राप्त भएको हो?

१२ दरबारको कुनै सदस्यले आफैँ चलाएको महेन्द्र प्रकृति संरक्षण कोषको पजेरोले किचेर कलाकार प्रवीण गुरुङको ज्यान लिएको ज्यदती इतिहासमा मेट्नै नसकिने गरी लेखिपको छ। के कलाकारका हत्यारालाई राजाले न्यायको कठघरामा उभ्यउनु पर्दैन?

यी मुलुकका लोकतन्त्रप्रेमी, विधिको शासनप्रेमी र शान्तिप्रेमी नागरिकहरुका न्यायोचित प्रश्नहरु हुन्। यी प्रश्नहरुको सार्वजनिक रुपले उत्तर दिन राजा ग्यानेन्द्रलाई मुलुकभरिका नागरिकहरुले एक साताको म्याद दिएका छन्।

हामी हौँ राजाधानीका जागेका नागरिकहरु
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